First, bloggers, twitterers, the
news media, etc. need to really learn to hold off on following each breaking “detail”
in an event like this. I cannot recall a
single time when the people reporting such an event first was also getting it right.
For instance, during the Gabby Giffords shooting I recall hearing that
Giffords was dead at one point, which thankfully is not true. Meanwhile Judge Roll was reported as dead,
then wounded, then not wounded at all, before we found out that he was killed
instantly after all. Or take the West
Virginia trapped miners story from a bit back.
At one moment the breaking news was all but one of the miners were
alive; and then we found out that in fact all but one were dead. Can you imagine being one of the families,
being told your loved one was probably alive one moment and then told he is
probably dead the next? I have no doubt
that this misreporting was all an accident, but the results for the families
were just plain cruel.
Another case in point is that the
media reported that the killer was Ryan Lanza.
Then various people started bothering people who were named Ryan Lanza,
on Facebook and twitter. Of course
people missed the obvious reality that the killer was dead and someone was
tweeting and updating the relevant accounts, suggesting that this “Ryan Lanza”
was not the killer. And then we find out
that the killer was not Ryan, after all: that was the name of the brother of
the killer. The killer was Adam
Lanza. So any unrelated Ryan Lanzas who
were being harassed today—perhaps even put in danger by people who didn’t
realize that the killer was actually already dead—have the additional absurdity
of not even sharing a name with the killer.
On twitter, I tried to encourage a sense of restraint, though I felt
like I was holding back a breaking dam with a toothpick.
Second, while I am getting sick
of the politicization of every tragedy, I am not going to overly object to
people talking about gun control today.
I don’t support gun control, but let’s have this out. If we can’t stand up for the Second Amendment
today, we are just going to lose the argument.
The reality is the “lets ban all
guns” theory is simply a bit of what I call “silver bullet utopianism”—that is
the idea that a large and complex problem can be solved easily with a
proverbial silver bullet. And it is
utopianism, with dangerous consequences in real life if we don’t wake up from
it.
(Must... resist... urge... to
make cheap “politicians are prostitutes” joke.)
The same can be said for drugs
and illegal immigration. I can name for
you several spots where the illegal workers line up. Everyone can.
It’s no secret. It’s open and
notorious.
And it is downright bizarre to
see many of the same liberals who advocate drug legalization, or open borders
on the theory that “you just can’t stop the flow” simultaneously argue that
banning guns will accomplish anything but disarming solely the law-abiding
citizens.
And there are several other
problems with banning guns. For one
thing, what liberals are advocating is that the government have a monopoly on
the use of deadly force—or more precisely the government and the criminals who
violate the law. Good law abiding
citizens shouldn’t protect themselves, the argument goes, the government should
protect them.
Except of course it is also the
same liberals who want to hobble our government’s ability to protect us. On the subject of terrorism, they advocate a
soft approach to terrorism which positively impairs their ability to stop the
terrorists from coming to kill us. On the
criminal side, they have been systematically weakening our justice system for
the last fifty years, reducing punishments and ensuring criminals go free for
reasons other than innocence.
For instance, take what I describe
as the Dirty Harry Hypothetical, because it is ripped straight from that
movie. A sociopath has kidnapped a woman
and buried her alive. She will suffocate
soon if she is not located. So Eastwood’s
character tortures the sociopath in a famous scene until the killer tells her
where she is.
Rationally people can be
concerned that if a cop actually tortures a man into saying “I did it!” the man
might be actually innocent and simply lying to end the torment. Thus a rule excluding such coerced
confessions from evidence does tend to protect the innocent from being wrongly
convicted. But that’s not the situation
in my hypothetical. In my hypothetical,
he tells the cop where the girl is buried and
she is actually there. And I can
also tell you that as a matter of black letter law, the courts would also
exclude from evidence the fact the killer knew where the body is buried and
indeed the body itself and any evidence taken from it, barring the application
of any exception to this rule. This is
excluded under the theory that finding the body was “fruit of the poisonous
tree.”
And there are some decent
arguments for or against that. If you
don’t want the cops to beat a confession out of suspects, period, this is one
way of making sure the police do not get any benefit from the beating. Maybe you sympathize with that argument,
maybe you don’t.
But the one argument that cannot
be made is this application of the exclusion rule to the “fruit of the
poisonous tree” is about ensuring justice in the individual
case. In my hypothetical, the fact the
man knew where the woman’s body is buried is powerful evidence that he was involved in the murder; indeed
probably conclusive evidence in most people’s eyes. Excluding the fact he knew where her body was
and any evidence taken from the body itself is not about protecting the
innocent from conviction, but protecting all people—guilty or innocent—from being
beaten into confessions. So as a direct
result of this rule otherwise plainly guilty people can go free.
The same can be said about
virtually every fourth amendment case. If
a cop illegally enters your home and finds evidence you committed a crime, the
fact he was there illegally doesn’t make you suddenly innocent. We don’t exclude that evidence because it
protects the innocent; we exclude it because we don’t want cops to illegally enter
your home.
There are dozens of rules like
this, rules that serve a purpose other than protecting the innocent from being
wrongly convicted and liberals have been pushing for them all of my life, while
simultaneously telling me I should outsource the defense of myself and my wife
to the state. So liberals, if you really
want people to give up their guns and trust the government to protect them from
criminals, you need to stop undermining our justice system.
And really, our system is never
going to be perfect enough to eliminate the need for self-defense. As the cliché goes, when seconds count the
police are minutes away. We do not have
a situation where the police are able to respond immediately and I don’t think
we want the police that much up in our lives.
And that ignores the possibilities
of gross failures on law enforcement’s fault.
As I pointed out several times on Twitter today, given that I am being
stalked and harassed by a convicted terrorist (Brett
Kimberlin), who right now could be thrown in prison for up to fifty years
if Montgomery County State’s Attorney John McCarthy got off his ass and did
something about him, it’s going to be awfully hard to convince me to disarm
myself. The law right now is failing to
protect my wife and I from this violent bomber, but my wife and I are able to
defend ourselves if he should more directly endanger our lives.
Indeed Brett Kimberlin is a
walking argument for the second amendment.
He could have been sentenced to over two hundred years for his crimes. Instead he was sentenced to fifty and served
around seventeen. Further his history
demonstrates the futility of gun bans.
For instance, many of his convictions related to his bombings is for
unlawful possession of a firearm. That
is because before his bombings he was convicted of various felonies related to
his being a drug dealer, and as such he was prohibited from owning
firearms. And of course a bomb counts as
a firearm, and yet somehow he was able to obtain multiple bombs and terrorize
his town with them despite the federal ban.
In addition to that, he was in possession of many ordinary firearms as
my friend Hoge recently noted:
To counter
Kimberlin’s claim that he was temperamentally incapable of violence (“not prone
to assaultive behavior”), for instance, the government cited the array of
weapons that had been seized during the drug bust in Texas. Among them a
.22-caliber semiautomatic pistol equipped with a silencer. The testimony of
Bixler placed this gun in Kimberlin’s hands, along with the half-dozen AR-15s
he said he had bought for the defendant.
Do read
the whole thing, but let’s also note what an AR-15 is:
So the liberals would tell me
that I should disarm myself and hope and pray that this convicted violent
bomber who has a history of violating the law prohibiting felons from owning
guns, won’t get a gun this time.
Yeah, I think I am better off
having a gun.
And indeed the teachers in that
school might have been, too. Imagine how
many lives might have been saved today if each teacher carried a gun.
And for that matter, imagine how
much better school discipline would be if those teachers practiced open carry.
But there is a more fundamental
argument for the right to bear arms than simply self-defense, although that is
certainly a powerful one: Guns are fundamental to protecting democracy. I could write eloquently on the subject, but
truthfully no one has made this point better than Judge Kozinsky of the Ninth
Circuit, in a classic dissent
that today can be correctly cited as controlling law:
It
is wrong to use some constitutional provisions as springboards for major social
change while treating others like senile relatives to be cooped up in a nursing
home until they quit annoying us. As guardians of the Constitution, we must be consistent
in interpreting its provisions. If we adopt a jurisprudence sympathetic to
individual rights, we must give broad compass to all constitutional provisions
that protect individuals from tyranny. If we take a more statist approach, we
must give all such provisions narrow scope. Expanding some to gargantuan
proportions while discarding others like a crumpled gum wrapper is not
faithfully applying the Constitution; it's using our power as federal judges to
constitutionalize our personal preferences.
...
The
majority falls prey to the delusion — popular in some circles — that ordinary
people are too careless and stupid to own guns, and we would be far better off
leaving all weapons in the hands of professionals on the government payroll.
But the simple truth — born of experience — is that tyranny thrives best where
government need not fear the wrath of an armed people. Our own sorry history
bears this out: Disarmament was the tool of choice for subjugating both slaves
and free blacks in the South. In Florida, patrols searched blacks' homes for
weapons, confiscated those found and punished their owners without judicial
process. See Robert J. Cottrol & Raymond T. Diamond, The Second Amendment:
Toward an Afro-Americanist Reconsideration, 80 Geo. L.J. 309, 338 (1991). In
the North, by contrast, blacks exercised their right to bear arms to defend
against racial mob violence. Id. at 341-42. As Chief Justice Taney well
appreciated, the institution of slavery required a class of people who lacked
the means to resist. See Dred Scott v.
Sandford, 60 U.S. (19 How.) 393, 417, 15 L.Ed. 691 (1857) (finding
black citizenship unthinkable because it would give blacks the right to
"keep and carry arms wherever they went"). A revolt by Nat Turner and
a few dozen other armed blacks could be put down without much difficulty; one
by four million armed blacks would have meant big trouble.
All
too many of the other great tragedies of history — Stalin's atrocities, the
killing fields of Cambodia, the Holocaust, to name but a few — were perpetrated
by armed troops against unarmed populations. Many could well have been avoided
or mitigated, had the perpetrators known their intended victims were equipped
with a rifle and twenty bullets apiece, as the Militia Act required here. See Kleinfeld
Dissent at 578-579. If a few hundred Jewish fighters in the Warsaw Ghetto could
hold off the Wehrmacht for almost a month with only a handful of weapons, six
million Jews armed with rifles could not so easily have been herded into cattle
cars.
My
excellent colleagues have forgotten these bitter lessons of history. The
prospect of tyranny may not grab the headlines the way vivid stories of gun
crime routinely do. But few saw the Third Reich coming until it was too late.
The Second Amendment is a doomsday provision, one designed for those
exceptionally rare circumstances where all other rights have failed — where the
government refuses to stand for reelection and silences those who protest;
where courts have lost the courage to oppose, or can find no one to enforce
their decrees. However improbable these contingencies may seem today, facing
them unprepared is a mistake a free people get to make only once.
Seriously, what more needs to be
said?
So while we correctly mourn those
who died today, let’s not fall for the pipe dream that if we just banned guns
we would magically be safe. We wouldn’t
be, and our freedom wouldn’t be safe, either.
---------------------------------------
My wife and I have lost our jobs
due to the harassment of convicted terrorist Brett Kimberlin, including an
attempt to get us killed and to frame me for a crime carrying a sentence of up
to ten years. I know that claim sounds
fantastic, but if you read starting here, you will see absolute proof of these
claims using documentary and video evidence.
If you would like to help in the fight to hold Mr. Kimberlin accountable,
please hit the Blogger’s Defense Team button on the right. And thank you.
Follow me at Twitter @aaronworthing,
mostly for snark and site updates. And
you can purchase my book (or borrow it for free if you have Amazon Prime), Archangel: A Novel of Alternate, Recent
History here.
And you can read a little more about my novel, here.
---------------------------------------
Disclaimer:
I have accused some people,
particularly Brett Kimberlin, of
reprehensible conduct. In some cases, the conduct is even
criminal. In all cases, the only justice I want is through the
appropriate legal process—such as the criminal justice system. I do not want to see vigilante violence
against any person or any threat of such violence. This kind of conduct is not only morally
wrong, but it is counter-productive.
In the particular case of Brett
Kimberlin, I do not want you to even contact him. Do not call him. Do not write him a letter. Do not write him an email. Do not text-message him. Do not engage in any kind of directed
communication. I say this in part
because under Maryland law, that can quickly become harassment and I don’t want
that to happen to him.
And for that matter, don’t go on
his property. Don’t sneak around and try
to photograph him. Frankly try not to
even be within his field of vision. Your
behavior could quickly cross the line into harassment in that way too (not to
mention trespass and other concerns).
And do not contact his
organizations, either. And most of all, leave his family alone.
The only exception to all that is
that if you are reporting on this, there is of course nothing wrong with
contacting him for things like his official response to any stories you might
report. And even then if he tells you to
stop contacting him, obey that request. That
this is a key element in making out a harassment claim under Maryland law—that
a person asks you to stop and you refuse.
And let me say something
else. In my heart of hearts, I don’t
believe that any person supporting me has done any of the above. But if any of you have, stop it, and if you
haven’t don’t start.
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